http://www.liveleak.com/browse?q=Asma+al-Assad Mon, 20 May 2013 00:58:38 -0400 Liveleak http://edge.liveleak.com/80281E/u/u/ll2/logo.gif http://www.liveleak.com/browse?q=Asma+al-Assad Thu, 16 May 2013 01:20:01 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=dc1_1368679883 flashpointreport Source: http://facebook.com/syriareport Bashar al-Assad and his wife visit family of victim without bodyguards. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=dc1_1368679883 flashpointreport President Al-Assad and his wife Asma Visit Without Bodyguards bashar al assad, asma al assad Fri, 17 May 2013 10:31:46 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=a0c_1368800021 m16carbine How Qatar seized control of the Syrian revolution By Roula Khalaf and Abigail Fielding-Smith As the Arab world's bloodiest conflict grinds on, Qatar has emerged as a driving force: pouring in tens of millions of dollars to arm the rebels. Yet it also stands accused of dividing them - and of positioning itself for even greater influence in the post-Assad era. FT investigation by Roula Khalaf and Abigail Fielding-Smith A short drive from the rising skyscrapers of Doha's West Bay, emblems of the once-sleepy Qatari capital's frenetic growth, the three-starred flag of the Syrian revolution can be seen fluttering over a modern villa guarded by police cars. The villa is the new Syrian Arab Republic embassy in Qatar , representing not the regime of Bashar al-Assad , but opponents fighting for his removal. It is the only such embassy in the world, inaugurated by a Qatari minister two months ago with the usual diplomatic pomp, after hard lobbying by Qatar led the 22-member Arab League to hand over Syria's seat to the opposition. The diplomats working inside have recourse to neither a government nor a bureaucracy to serve Syrians abroad, lacking even the means to renew a passport. "Maybe soon," mutters a hopeful junior diplomat. But Qatar is not a country that allows details to get in the way of ambition. The opening of the embassy was a theatrical expression of this small, massively rich country's single-minded lurch into Syria's crisis . When it comes to backing Syria's rebels, no one can claim more credit than the gas-rich Gulf state. Whether in terms of armaments or financial support for dissidents, diplomatic manoeuvring or lobbying, Qatar has been in the lead, readily disgorging its gas-generated wealth in the pursuit of the downfall of Assad. Yet, as the Arab world's bloodiest uprising grinds on into its third year, Qatar finds itself pulled into a complicated and fractured conflict, the outcome of which has a decreasing ability to influence, while simultaneously becoming a high-profile scapegoat for participants on both sides. Among the Syrian regime's numerous but fragmented opponents the small Gulf state evokes a surprisingly ambivalent - and often overtly hostile - response. In the shell-blasted areas of rebel-held Syria, few appear to be aware of the vast sums that Qatar has contributed - estimated by rebel and diplomatic sources to be about $1bn, but put by people close to the Qatar government at as much as $3bn. However, a perception is taking root among growing numbers of Syrians that Qatar is using its financial muscle to develop networks of loyalty among rebels and set the stage for influence in a post-Assad era. "Qatar has a lot of money and buys everything with money, and it can put its fingerprints on it," says a rebel officer from the northern province of Idlib interviewed by the FT. Khalid al-Attiyah, Qatar's minister of state for foreign affairs, and the point man on Syria, dismisses this criticism as nothing more than noise. "We're a state, we're mature ... If we were concerned about what people say, we wouldn't be here today and Qatar wouldn't be as prosperous." But Qatar's role in Syria seems uncharacteristically prominent for a country that lacks the diplomatic experience and traditional heavyweight status of a more discreet Saudi Arabia. To some extent, the fact that Qatar is so exposed reflects the reluctance of western governments to intervene in Syria. However, for Qatar, Syria is also the culmination of an opportunistic foreign policy which saw Doha become the unlikely backer of other Arab revolts in north Africa - and a friend of those who emerge as winners, in most cases Islamists. Qatar's ruling family, the al-Thanis, have no ideological or religious affinity with the Islamists - they are simply not choosy about the beliefs held by useful friends. Qatar has supported the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and Tunisia's Islamist al-Nahda party, which won the first elections after the popular revolts. Some politicians in the region believe the emir is trying to position himself as the "Islamist Abdel Nasser", as one Arab politician put it, referring to the late Egyptian president and the Arab world's only true pan-Arab leader. Most of Doha's neighbours in the Gulf are hostile to the Islamist trend in the region, but this is of little consequence to a state that takes pleasure in being contrarian. Nor are the al-Thanis embarrassed by the contradictions of an autocracy cheerleading for revolution. "The Qataris say if there's a tsunami coming your way you ride it, not let it hit you," says a western diplomat describing Qatar's attitude towards Islamists. It is this kind of dynamism and risk-taking at an executive level that has enabled Doha to act as a regional power only a few years after being a diplomatic nobody. But the military stalemate of the Syrian uprising, in which more than 70,000 people have died, has also revealed the recklessness and political impotence that ultimately undermine Qatar's objectives. "The Qataris are overextended - their system runs on a few people at the top, and there isn't much in terms of a bureaucracy," comments another diplomat. In the case of Syria, those key players have been the emir, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani, his son and crown prince, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad, the prime minister Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim, plus Attiyah, the minister for foreign affairs. As the Qataris have attempted to unite the political opposition by championing the formation of the Syrian National Coalition (the main front) they have been accused of dividing it - just as their efforts to shape a fragmented rebel army into a more coherent form by helping to unify the brigades under one command have contributed to its incoherence. Not all of the criticism is fair. Partly it is driven by the irritation of many Arabs, at both state and street level, with what they see as an ambitious, nouveau riche state overreaching itself. "You can criticise them for hijacking the opposition but who else is helping?" acknowledges an independent-minded Syrian opposition member who, like many others in the region who were interviewed for this article, requested anonymity. But the disapproval levelled at Qatar is pervasive. A senior rebel commander who has dealt with the Qataris suggests that Doha should look long and hard at why its role has also sparked so much animosity. "After two years it is time for everyone involved in Syria to review their actions and engage in self-correction," he says. . . . For Sheikh Hamad, the 61-year-old emir who has ruled Qatar since 1995 after deposing his father, the road to Damascus has involved a spectacular U-turn. It wasn't long ago that Bashar al-Assad and his wife Asma were regular visitors to Doha, as guests of the emir and his second wife, Sheikha Moza. Qatari institutions were big investors in Syria, with a $5bn joint holding company set up in 2008 to develop everything from power stations to hotels. The emir also championed the international rehabilitation of Assad during his gradual ostracisation by the US, Europe and his Arab peers; Sheikh Hamad was instrumental in restoring Syrian relations with France in the years before the uprising, when he counted the former president Nicolas Sarkozy as a friend. Back then Syria was part of an alliance - with Iran and Lebanon's Hizbollah - that seemed on the ascendant, and Qatar, with typical pragmatism and opportunism, saw a chance to ride the wave as well as to moderate Assad's policies. When the Syrian revolt erupted in March 2011, Qatar, like Turkey, reacted cautiously; Al Jazeera, the Qatari-owned television channel, was criticised for downplaying the first protests. Behind the scenes, both the emir and crown prince Sheikh Tamim advised Assad against a military solution. But when prime minister Hamad bin Jassim went to visit Assad a month after the outbreak of protests, it became clear to Qatar that the Syrian hardman wanted "to kill people", as bin Jassim recently recalled at a Brookings Institution meeting. One person who influenced the emir's thinking at the time is Azmi Bishara , a prominent former Arab Israeli MP, exiled in Qatar (like many other Arab dissidents) after the Israeli government accused him of passing information to the Lebanese group Hizbollah during Israel's onslaught on Lebanon in 2006 - a charge Bishara denies. An adviser to the emir and the crown prince, Bishara has become something of a court intellectual in Doha. He is said to have been involved in the formation of the Syrian National Coalition, now the main opposition umbrella group, and to have been used to "test" opposition figures. He, too, had known Bashar al-Assad well, but then became an avid enthusiast of Arab revolts and the people's thirst for democracy. Writing in July 2011, Bishara said that Assad could have stayed in power had he led the reforms that people wanted: "The regime chose not to change, and so the people will change it." (Bishara was not available for comment.) Although the emir did not make his position public until Saudi Arabia broke its silence over Syria in August 2011, the conviction took hold in Qatar throughout that bloody first summer that Syria's was as much a revolution as anywhere else in the region. Following the pattern of the other Arab uprisings, Qatar's instinct was to bet on the opposition. In January 2012, the emir told a US television network that Arab troops should be sent to Syria "to stop the killings". Doha's leaders were particularly emboldened by the revolt in Libya, where Qatar had played the lead Arab role in the Nato-led intervention. Although they knew that Assad's downfall would not be as easy as Muammer Gaddafi's, they expected western partners would eventually step in on the side of the opposition. One senior Qatari official suggested in late 2012 that Syria would go the way of Libya, but over a much longer term. Assad's removal, after all, served the strategic purpose of weakening Iran, his closest regional ally. So far at least, this gamble has proved a miscalculation. "We didn't want to take the lead. We begged a lot of countries to start to take the lead and we'll be in the back seat. But we find ourselves in the front seat," lamented prime minister bin Jassim recently. Even within the Arab world, Qatar found much stronger resistance to action than was the case with Libya. "Before we get disappointed by the west, we should ask ourselves as an Arab nation what we've done - it is an Arab issue in the first place," says Attiyah, the minister for foreign affairs. In the years before the Arab uprisings, Qatar had cultivated its role as a mediator, capable of talking to all sides on the divisions that polarised the Middle East. It hosted the US's biggest military air base in the region, while maintaining cordial relations with Iran; it held contacts with Israel while simultaneously backing the Palestinian group Hamas and Lebanon's Hizbollah. On Syria, Qatar soon emerged as one of the few angry voices at Arab summits, pushing for a tougher line. "In Syria, Qatar became an active protagonist," says a western diplomat. Having worked to become a kind of Norway of the Gulf, he adds, it also wanted to be "the Gulf version of the UK and France, and you can't be both at the same time". . . . Ahfad al-Rasoul is a source of envy among other brigades fighting in Syria. A relatively new player put together from several fighting groups, it is often linked to the gas riches of Qatar. Ahfad al-Rasoul is one of the few fighting coalitions in Syria that can be considered "effective", boasts Khaled, a smartly dressed, laptop-carrying "liaison" officer for the group, interviewed by the FT in southern Turkey, near the Syrian border. Not so, says Abu Samer, a commander from a rival group, who complains about shortages of weapons and ammunition. "If I was getting 15 per cent of what they're getting, I'd do a lot," he grumbles. Though Khaled insists his battalion's good fortunes are thanks to a mix of funding sources, others such as Abu Samer see the hand of Qatar at work. Supporting the armed rebellion was the inevitable next stage of Qatar's deepening involvement in Syria. By early 2012, as peaceful protests gave way to an armed opposition, Qatar was scouring around for light weaponry, buying arms in Libya and in eastern European states, and flying them to Turkey, where intelligence services helped deliver them across the border. At first, say people with direct knowledge of the arms shipments, Qatar worked through Turkish intelligence to identify recipients, and then, as Saudi Arabia joined the covert military effort, through Lebanese mediators. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, which tracks arms transfers, says that between April 2012 and March this year, more than 70 military cargo flights from Qatar landed in Turkey. Elizabeth O'Bagy, an analyst at the US Institute for the Study of War, which has published extensive studies of Syria's fragmented rebel movement, says that as the conflict progressed, the Qataris worked through members of the exiled Muslim Brotherhood to identify rebel factions that should be supported. For example, she says, that is how they linked up with the Farouq brigades, one of the largest and more mainstream factions. Meanwhile, opposition sources say the Qataris have also sent their own special forces to find insurgent groups, and people involved in the weapons business say a Qatari general has been the point man on arms deliveries, travelling to the "operations" room that was set up first in Istanbul and then in Ankara. However, it is difficult to point to rebel brigades that are exclusively Qatari-funded or backed. Ahfad al-Rasoul, for example, is also thought to be receiving support from Saudi Arabia. Equally, the erratic and limited nature of weapons shipments means that even recipients of Qatari support are not always aware of Doha's role. Mahmoud Marrouch, a young fighter from Liwaa al-Tawhid, the rural Aleppo group that is believed to have been a major recipient of Qatari arms, says Qatar is like the rest of the world - promising weapons but not delivering. What the fighters have, he says, was seized from regime bases, or purchased on the black market. "The Qataris and the Saudis need a green light from America to help us," he adds. A rebel leader in the northern Aleppo province, who works with Liwaa al-Tawhid, says he has also received a Saudi intermediary who goes around rebel-held areas distributing funds. "Groups get funding from both Qatar and Saudi Arabia and they deceive sponsors sometimes," comments O'Bagy. Indeed, if Qatar is, as its detractors say, seeking to build up a proxy force in Syria to implement its regional agenda, it is doing so in an environment which is not conducive to either loyalty or cohesion. With so many different outside sources of sponsorship and no stable organisational structures, rebel groups lurch from alliance to alliance and continually rebrand themselves in the search for support. Ironically, although the relationship between Riyadh and Doha has long been characterised by mutual suspicion, in many ways they have worked very closely on Syria. However, a crucial division over the Muslim Brotherhood has undoubtedly led to the pursuit of divergent agendas on the Syrian battlefield, with harmful consequences for an opposition in desperate need of unity. For the Saudis, the handful of secular rebel factions, plus the Salafi groups that espouse a stricter Wahabi Islam practised in Saudi Arabia, are vastly preferable to the Brotherhood, a more organised political group and therefore a greater political threat. "The Saudis say 'No to the Brotherhood,'" says Riad al-Shaqfa, the leader of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood. Qataris, on the other hand, are "playing a positive role", though Shaqfa insists that his group's funding is from its own members, not from Doha. Khalid al-Attiyah denies any tensions with Saudi Arabia, saying co-operation is much closer than people assume, with daily consultations. However, rebel sources and analysts say that by September last year, the rivalry had intensified to the point where the Qataris and Saudis were creating separate military alliances and structures. As complaints poured in from opposition leaders and western officials, the two states agreed to bring the structures together under the supreme military command, headed by the western-backed general Selim Idriss . However, commanders who work with Idriss say that neither country is following through with its promise to bolster the supreme military command, instead continuing to work independently. One reason could be that the Gulf states worry that their limited supplies would be distributed too broadly by the supreme command, instead of reaching only the most effective factions. But the behaviour has bred resentment. "Qatar and Saudi Arabia ... are playing out their rivalries here, they are dividing people," says Abdul Jabbar Akaidi, the head of the Aleppo revolutionary military council. Speaking from one of his bases on the Syrian side of the border with Turkey, he adds: "People will remember those who gave without having an agenda. The Syrians are clever, they know when there is an agenda." . . . By late 2012 a new factor was emerging in Syria, one that had the potential to complicate Qatar's relationship with the west. The extremist group Jabhat al-Nusrah was gaining ground, playing a prominent role in dislodging the regime from military facilities in northern Syria. In December, the US felt sufficiently alarmed to add Nusrah to its global terrorist list. Concerned that Qatar's level of tolerance for radical Islamists was higher than theirs, western governments also wanted safeguards in place to ensure that weapons did not end up in the hands of jihadi groups like Nusrah. The problem, says one former senior US official, was that "the Qataris felt it didn't matter who you give to, what's important is to bring down Bashar." According to him, the objective in Washington became "to keep the Qataris from doing whatever they want". So the US instituted a "consultative process". Two "operations" rooms that oversee weapons deliveries were set up, one in Turkey, the other, more recently, in Jordan. They include representatives from nearly a dozen countries. The Qataris, says the former US official, were co-operative. Yet allegations that the Qataris have - directly or indirectly - helped Jabhat al-Nusrah have not gone away. At least one Arab government recently said as much, although experts on jihadi movements say the extremist group's funding comes from al-Qaeda in Iraq and from private donors in the Gulf, not from governments. Yet even with the "consultative process" in place, leakage might be inevitable, whether through the funding of rebels or through the massive charitable contributions from the Gulf that reach Syria. "Because the Free Syrian Army groups work so closely with non-FSA groups these weapons are spreading just because they are fighting side by side - and maybe the groups trade arms with each other as well," says Eliot Higgins, who examines and records weapons used in the Syrian conflict on his well-followed Brown Moses blog. Attiyah says Doha has never backed Nusrah, and blames the international community's inaction on Syria for allowing it to flourish. "Is it the Security Council's delay in taking a firm resolution against Bashar al-Assad and his regime that has made emerge? In my opinion, yes," he says. Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim, the prime minister, is even more dismissive of allegations of Qatari support for extremists, joking in his Brookings presentation that such rumours are spread by jealous neighbours to tease Qatar. Beneath the quips, however, are signs that Qatar's influence over military supplies to the rebellion may be waning, as its role in weapons deliveries takes second place to that of Saudi Arabia. Riyadh has more developed networks to source weapons and it has been working closely with Jordan to bolster rebel groups in southern Syria that are not tied to Nusrah. . . . Many Syrians have probably never heard of Mustafa Sabbagh, though he is considered the most powerful man in the political opposition. The owner of a building material and contracting company, the 48-year-old secretary-general of the National Coalition lived in Saudi Arabia for much of the past decade. He doesn't make many speeches, or issue statements, but he does oversee the coalition's budget, to which the Qataris are the biggest donors, and is responsible, as one western official says, "for writing the cheques". While seen by both friends and detractors as a shrewd man who appealed to Qatar officials' business-minded attitude, Sabbagh has come under criticism for supposedly using his position to control the opposition and further Qatari influence. Tensions between him and some of the secular members of the coalition exploded into the open recently after the controversial election of an interim prime minister, Ghassan Hitto , in March. The row over Hitto's appointment was so bitter it caused tension between Qatar and Saudi Arabia and pushed the Saudis to become more active in opposition politics, which they had largely left to the Qataris. According to pro-Saudi opposition figures, negotiations are now under way to resolve the dispute. Qatar's involvement with Syria's political opposition has generated even more controversy than its support of rebel groups. The dissidents are a fractious assortment of cliques, but they play an important role in shaping international policy. While it was Turkey that helped form the first credible opposition umbrella group, the Syrian National Council , in August 2011, Qatar quickly embraced it and contributed to its funding. The SNC, however, fell victim to infighting, which gave the Muslim Brotherhood, the only organised bloc within it, the greatest influence. As secular voices began dropping out of the SNC, western nations, led by the US, pressured the Qataris to help form a broader opposition based on an initiative proposed by Riad Seif, a well-respected Syrian dissident. The new body, the National Coalition, was announced in Doha in November 2012. It was no secret that Qatari officials were less convinced of the need to improve the SNC. Their view appeared to be that dominance of the Muslim Brotherhood was neither as great as claimed, nor an issue. A former US official who tracked the process of the creation of the coalition said dealing with the Qataris at the time was like a "war of attrition". However, claims of Qatari dominance of the opposition persisted, even after the coalition was created. True, the Muslim Brotherhood was no longer the main component, but a new bloc of more than a dozen members, brought in by Sabbagh as representatives of local communities in Syria, sparked new disagreements. It was seen as another bloc that was loyal to Qatar. Each of these members was supposed to represent a local council in Syria's different provinces, and together the councils received $8m from Qatar soon after the formation of the coalition. Qatar was also the first - and possibly the only - country to provide funding for the coalition budget, to the tune of $20m, and it delivered the first $10m out of a pledged $100m package for the organisation's new humanitarian assistance unit. In an interview with the FT, Sabbagh said that the Qatar label that has stuck to him is inaccurate and unfair. Peppering his words with praise for Saudi Arabia's contribution to the Syrian cause, he says his relationship with Qatar is confined to what he calls "logistics" support for a business forum that he founded after the revolt against Assad broke out. The forum had mobilised funds from merchants inside and outside Syria to support the Free Syrian Army. Sabbagh insists that the representatives of local councils that he invited into the coalition were an attempt, even if imperfect, to raise the representation of people inside the country in the main opposition front. "It's inevitable because there are no elections. It was an experience that needed maturing," he says. Attiyah, meanwhile, says he has no closer relationship with Sabbagh than anyone else in the coalition. He also points out that the coalition with its various components, including the local representatives, was not created by Qatar alone but with the help and blessing of Arab and western officials. . . . In Syria itself, the number of dead continues to rise and Bashar al-Assad is still stubbornly clinging on to power. Whether Qatar's venture into Syrian opposition politics will have any returns will depend on whether Syria survives as a country - something that is by no means assured. Perhaps for the Qatari emir, the demise of Assad will be sufficient satisfaction. In theory, Qatar could also emerge with multiple points of influence through Islamists and loyal brigades. But it has already created many enemies inside Syria, and not just among pro-regime supporters. So torn apart is the fabric of Syria's society, and so radicalised and suspicious its battered population, that the Qataris are more likely to find that they are neither thanked - nor even wanted - there. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=a0c_1368800021 m16carbine How Qatar seized control of the Syrian revolution syra, syrian civil war, qatar Thu, 25 Apr 2013 17:32:23 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=f66_1366925483 flashpointreport Source: http://facebook.com/syriareport http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=f66_1366925483 flashpointreport President al-Assad and His Wife Asmaa bashar al-assad, asma al-assad Mon, 13 May 2013 00:18:50 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=8a9_1368418331 RasputinFTW Most pictures was before the Crisis http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=8a9_1368418331 RasputinFTW Personal pictures from the best Arab president ever with family! Syria, Assad, Bashar Al Assad, Syrian President, Asma al Assad Fri, 10 May 2013 21:28:52 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=1ae_1368235276 belisarius . . Because I don't understand Arabic, i don't know what she is saying. Anyway it's a well made clip comparable to Hollywood drama film. . . http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=1ae_1368235276 belisarius Syrian Firstlady Talk to Mothers of Fallen Syrian Soldiers on Mothersday Asma al Assad,mothersday,Syria Wed, 03 Apr 2013 16:41:21 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=b84_1365020827 OMERbinHATTAPlovecCc SYRIA , Asma al-Assad is a Mass Murderer. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=b84_1365020827 OMERbinHATTAPlovecCc SYRIA , <span class="highlight">Asma al-Assad</span> is a Mass Murderer. SYRIA , Asma al-Assad is a Mass Murderer. Fri, 05 Apr 2013 13:39:05 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=9a1_1365183108 IRQ Kebab Still tappin' that ass, Assad is. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=9a1_1365183108 IRQ Kebab Bashar al Assad still banging Sunni ass while FSA dream of jihadi orgy with her Syria FSA SAA Asma Assad Bashar banging doggy style Tue, 02 Apr 2013 10:20:51 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=939_1364912120 heroic SAA Compare to terrorits sunni JEW NATO Al Quaida, who use people to bark against Assad. People don't have to be hateful with the Assad nice governement. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=939_1364912120 heroic SAA Nice Asma El Assad feeding the poor who have lost everything Syria, Asma, Assad, feed, people Sat, 23 Feb 2013 15:03:49 -0500 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=ba6_1361649611 herseyibuldum Once Upon a Time Two Best Friend Evaluated as a surprise to the public in a pair of Assad in Syria Hawaiian vacation. At 12.00 in order to meet Syrian President Bashar al-Assad with his wife Emine Erdogan, the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan Bodrum Airport, along with his wife Emine Erdogan, 12.30, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and his wife Asma landing Assad welcomed . Leaders of the two countries pose to the press with their husbands. At present the Prime Minister with the Syrian President al-Assad met Bodrum Airport International Terminal VIP lounge. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the two leaders came to the hotel with an instrument of authority for security guards almost ucurtmadi bird. 2 ambulances took part in the convoy with protection equipment. The hotel prior to arrival of the leaders were taken extensive security measures in and around the hotel. The hotel was kept inputs and outputs. Even if the hotel is a comprehensive means of entering the stores were out of control. Send an EU flag in front of the hotel instead of downloading the meantime, the Syrian flag was hoisted. Journalists are not yet appeared after the hotel, reportedly for security reasons will not use some of the leaders in the hotel lobby. Finally, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to Iran's nuclear program and in support of Assad, Erdogan, especially in Iran, including talks are expected to focus on other regional issues. Assad will stay at the hotel on the information provided in which a pair of Bodrum, due to security reasons. Turkey holidays are a pair of al-Assad is expected to be less than a week, a day trip by boat blue bays of Bodrum can tour the report said. Esad'lar not apply for a special protocol, but Mugla Police Department, particularly in the security to be provided by the Turkish police. Assad special protections will be in the sides of the pair. Prime Minister Erdogan, the fire continued for 5 days after the visit to Antalya Bodrum passing examinations be found. Erdogan during his visit to Antalya Justice Minister Mehmet Ali Sahin Veysel Eroglu will be accompanied by the Minister of Environment and Forestry. http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=ba6_1361649611 herseyibuldum Once Upon a Time Two Best Friend Syria,Bashar al-Assad,Recep Tayyip Erdogan,landing,flag,hotel,bodrum Sun, 15 Jul 2012 14:09:46 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=345_1342375348 aydeo As Syria burns, Assad's British-born wife goes on lb270,000 online shopping spree and imports chandeliers, rugs, sofas, tables and ELEVEN ottomans from London. Asma al-Assad, 36, placed the order with exclusive London store DN Designs in the King's Road, Chelsea, West London. Among the 130 items were 11 ottomans costing over lb20,000, a dining room table priced at almost lb10,000 and a rug worth just under lb11,000 By ABUL TAHEER PUBLISHED: 22:14 GMT, 14 July 2012 She has been dubbed the Princess Diana of the Middle East, combining beauty and style with tireless charity work. In a region blighted by dictatorships and conflicts, the First Lady of Syria, Asma al-Assad, was billed as the modern and caring face of the Arab world. But emails obtained by WikiLeaks show Mrs Assad, 36, spent lb270,000 buying furniture from an exclusive London store for one of her presidential palaces last March - as Syria was descending into a bloody civil war. British-born Mrs Assad sent her order - which included five chandeliers costing lb8,800 - to upmarket furniture store DN Designs in the King's Road, Chelsea, West London. The emails, seen exclusively by The Mail on Sunday, emerged as more than 200 people were believed to have been massacred by government forces in the village of Tremseh last Thursday. It is estimated that more than 16,000 have been killed in Syria since the uprising began last March, including women and children caught in the crossfire between government troops and rebels. But as innocent civilians were being killed, the emails show that Mrs Assad did not drop plans to refurbish the summer palace, where she and her husband go to escape the scorching desert heat. Mrs Assad - who was once described by Vogue magazine as a 'rose in the desert' - took personal charge of furnishing the palace in the coastal town of Latakia, 200 miles north of the capital Damascus. The full scale of the palace, which offers breathtaking views of the Mediterranean, is unknown, but based on the order Mrs Assad placed, it has a grand entrance hall on the ground floor with an adjoining reception room. On the first floor, there is a dining room that can seat at least ten people, as well as a majlis - a traditional Arab room that is used for entertaining guests - and a salon or drawing room. Mother-of-three Mrs Assad also ordered furniture for two family rooms, a basement hall and a ladies' lobby. On March 2, her aide Mansour Azzam, who works in the Ministry of Presidential Affairs (MOPA), sent an email to Mrs Assad with a quote for all of the furniture she had ordered. Among more than 130 items, whose prices are given in US dollars, are 11 ottomans costing over lb20,000 in total. For the dining room, Mrs Assad ordered a round table worth almost lb10,000 and, for the majlis, she purchased a red-and-green Mamlouk rug for just under lb11,000. Mrs Assad, who grew up in Acton, West London, also bought a 'hanging rod with nine silk lanterns' worth lb3,000 for the basement hall. The emails show that the First Lady, who married Syrian president Bashar al-Assad in 2000, was kept up to date on how the furniture was being laid out in the palace, with her aides taking photographs and emailing them to her. Last September, as international condemnation of the Syrian regime grew and sanctions were imposed against the country by the US and the EU, Mrs Assad was still preoccupied with her furnishings. In an email sent to Mr Azzam on September 23, she writes: 'I forgot to mention, the sofa below should have the same number of back cushions as bases. 'At the moment, there are three base cushions on the main sofa (without the extension) and five on the back. 'It should be three base and three back. If not clear, let me know.' The First Lady uses an email account belonging to her husband's department, MOPA. In the emails, she is sometimes referred to as 'Mrs Assad' but mostly as 'Your Excellency'. She also signs off some emails as 'aaa', which is thought to stand for Asma al-Assad. An earlier release of emails from Mrs Assad, in March, revealed that she was looking for a Harry Potter DVD on the internet while her country was in turmoil. Though a Muslim, she went to a Church of England school, where she was known as Emma. After studying computer science and French literature at King's College London, she worked as a banker at JP Morgan in the Nineties when she met her future husband. At the time, Assad was training at a hospital in London to become an eye surgeon. Last week, we revealed how British peer Lord Kenilworth was paid more than lb170,000 to redesign the gardens of the summer palace. http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2173705/Asma-al-Assad-As-nation-burns-Assad-wife-imports-sofas-London-270-000-spending-spree.html?ITO=1490 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=345_1342375348 aydeo As Syria burns, <span class="highlight">Asma al-Assad</span> goes on lb270,000 online shopping spree Asma al-Assad, shopping spree,Syria burns Wed, 18 Apr 2012 07:38:45 -0400 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=162_1334749003 ML83 International Letter &amp; Petition to Asma al-Assad http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=162_1334749003 ML83 International Letter &amp; Petition to <span class="highlight">Asma al-Assad</span> International, Letter, &amp;, Petition, to, Asma, al, Assad, Mon, 07 Mar 2011 04:01:28 -0500 http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=533_1299488189 DEADBEEF Asma al-Assad, Syria's dynamic first lady, is on a mission to create a beacon of culture and secularism in a powder-keg region-and to put a modern face on her husband's regime. Asma al-Assad is glamorous, young, and very chic-the freshest and most magnetic of first ladies. Her style is not the couture-and-bling dazzle of Middle Eastern power but a deliberate lack of adornment. She's a rare combination: a thin, long-limbed beauty with a trained analytic mind who dresses with cunning understatement. Paris Match calls her "the element of light in a country full of shadow zones." She is the first lady of Syria. Syria is known as the safest country in the Middle East, possibly because, as the State Department's Web site says, "the Syrian government conducts intense physical and electronic surveillance of both Syrian citizens and foreign visitors." It's a secular country where women earn as much as men and the Muslim veil is forbidden in universities, a place without bombings, unrest, or kidnappings, but its shadow zones are deep and dark. Asma's husband, Bashar al-Assad, was elected president in 2000, after the death of his father, Hafez al-Assad, with a startling 97 percent of the vote. In Syria, power is hereditary. The country's alliances are murky. How close are they to Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah? There are souvenir Hezbollah ashtrays in the souk, and you can spot the Hamas leadership racing through the bar of the Four Seasons. Its number-one enmity is clear: Israel. But that might not always be the case. The United States has just posted its first ambassador there since 2005, Robert Ford. Iraq is next door, Iran not far away. Lebanon's capital, Beirut, is 90 minutes by car from Damascus. Jordan is south, and next to it the region that Syrian maps label Palestine. There are nearly one million refugees from Iraq in Syria, and another half-million displaced Palestinians. "It's a tough neighborhood," admits Asma al-Assad. It's also a neighborhood intoxicatingly close to the dawn of civilization, where agriculture began some 10,000 years ago, where the wheel, writing, and musical notation were invented. Out in the desert are the magical remains of Palmyra, Apamea, and Ebla. In the National Museum you see small 4,000-year-old panels inlaid with mother-of-pearl that is echoed in the new mother-of-pearl furniture for sale in the souk. Christian Louboutin comes to buy the damask silk brocade they've been making here since the Middle Ages for his shoes and bags, and has incidentally purchased a small palace in Aleppo, which, like Damascus, has been inhabited for more than 5,000 years. The first lady works out of a small white building in a hilly, modern residential neighborhood called Muhajireen, where houses and apartments are crammed together and neighbors peer and wave from balconies. The first impression of Asma al-Assad is movement-a determined swath cut through space with a flash of red soles. Dark-brown eyes, wavy chin-length brown hair, long neck, an energetic grace. No watch, no jewelry apart from Chanel agates around her neck, not even a wedding ring, but fingernails lacquered a dark blue-green. She's breezy, conspiratorial, and fun. Her accent is English but not plummy. Despite what must be a killer IQ, she sometimes uses urban shorthand: "I was, like. . . ." Asma Akhras was born in London in 1975, the eldest child and only daughter of a Syrian Harley Street cardiologist and his diplomat wife, both Sunni Muslims. They spoke Arabic at home. She grew up in Ealing, went to Queen's College, and spent holidays with family in Syria. "I've dealt with the sense that people don't expect Syria to be normal. I'd show my London friends my holiday snaps and they'd be-'Where did you say you went?' " She studied computer science at university, then went into banking. "It wasn't a typical path for women," she says, "but I had it all mapped out." By the spring of 2000, she was closing a big biotech deal at JP Morgan in London and about to take up an MBA at Harvard. She started dating a family friend: the second son of president Hafez al-Assad, Bashar, who'd cut short his ophthalmology studies in London in 1994 and returned to Syria after his older brother, Basil, heir apparent to power, died in a car crash. They had known each other forever, but a ten-year age difference meant that nothing registered-until it did. "I was always very serious at work, and suddenly I started to take weekends, or disappear, and people just couldn't figure it out," explains the first lady. "What do you say-'I'm dating the son of a president'? You just don't say that. Then he became president, so I tried to keep it low-key. Suddenly I was turning up in Syria every month, saying, 'Granny, I miss you so much!' I quit in October because by then we knew that we were going to get married at some stage. I couldn't say why I was leaving. My boss thought I was having a nervous breakdown because nobody quits two months before bonus after closing a really big deal. He wouldn't accept my resignation. I was, like, 'Please, really, I just want to get out, I've had enough,' and he was 'Don't worry, take time off, it happens to the best of us.' " She left without her bonus in November and married Bashar al-Assad in December. "What I've been able to take away from banking was the transferable skills-the analytical thinking, understanding the business side of running a company-to run an NGO or to try and oversee a project." She runs her office like a business, chairs meeting after meeting, starts work many days at six, never breaks for lunch, and runs home to her children at four. "It's my time with them, and I get them fresh, unedited-I love that. I really do." Her staff are used to eating when they can. "I have a rechargeable battery," she says. The 35-year-old first lady's central mission is to change the mind-set of six million Syrians under eighteen, encourage them to engage in what she calls "active citizenship." "It's about everyone taking shared responsibility in moving this country forward, about empowerment in a civil society. We all have a stake in this country; it will be what we make it." In 2005 she founded Massar, built around a series of discovery centers where children and young adults from five to 21 engage in creative, informal approaches to civic responsibility. Massar's mobile Green Team has touched 200,000 kids across Syria since 2005. The organization is privately funded through donations. The Syria Trust for Development, formed in 2007, oversees Massar as well as her first NGO, the rural micro-credit association FIRDOS, and SHABAB, which exists to give young people business skills they need for the future. And then there's her cultural mission: "People tend to see Syria as artifacts and history," she says. "For us it's about the accumulation of cultures, traditions, values, customs. It's the difference between hardware and software: the artifacts are the hardware, but the software makes all the difference-the customs and the spirit of openness. We have to make sure that we don't lose that. . . . " Here she gives an apologetic grin. "You have to excuse me, but I'm a banker-that brand essence." That brand essence includes the distant past. There are 500,000 important ancient works of art hidden in storage; Asma al-Assad has brought in the Louvre to create a network of museums and cultural attractions across Syria, and asked Italian experts to help create a database of the 5,000 archaeological sites in the desert. "Culture," she says, "is like a financial asset. We have an abundance of it, thousands of years of history, but we can't afford to be complacent." In December, Asma al-Assad was in Paris to discuss her alliance with the Louvre. She dazzled a tough French audience at the International Diplomatic Institute, speaking without notes. "I'm not trying to disguise culture as anything more than it is," she said, "and if I sound like I'm talking politics, it's because we live in a politicized region, a politicized time, and we are affected by that." The French ambassador to Syria, Eric Chevallier, was there: "She managed to get people to consider the possibilities of a country that's modernizing itself, that stands for a tolerant secularism in a powder-keg region, with extremists and radicals pushing in from all sides-and the driving force for that rests largely on the shoulders of one couple. I hope they'll make the right choices for their country and the region. " Damascus evokes a dusty version of a Mediterranean hill town in an Eastern-bloc country. The courtyard of the Umayyad Mosque at night looks exactly like St. Mark's square in Venice. When I first arrive, I'm met on the tarmac by a minder, who gives me a bouquet of white roses and lends me a Syrian cell phone; the head minder, a high-profile American PR, joins us the next day. The first lady's office has provided drivers, so I shop and see sights in a bubble of comfort and hospitality. On the rare occasions I am out alone, a random series of men in leather jackets seems to be keeping close tabs on what I am doing and where I am headed. "I like things I can touch. I like to get out and meet people and do things," the first lady says as we set off for a meeting in a museum and a visit to an orphanage. "As a banker, you have to be so focused on the job at hand that you lose the experience of the world around you. My husband gave me back something I had lost." She slips behind the wheel of a plain SUV, a walkie-talkie and her cell thrown between the front seats and a Syrian-silk Louboutin tote on top. She does what the locals do-swerves to avoid crazy men who run across busy freeways, misses her turn, checks your seat belt, points out sights, and then can't find a parking space. When a traffic cop pulls her over at a roundabout, she lowers the tinted window and dips her head with a playful smile. The cop's eyes go from slits to saucers. Her younger brother Feras, a surgeon who moved to Syria to start a private health-care group, says, "Her intelligence is both intellectual and emotional, and she's a master at harmonizing when, and how much, to use of each one." A Rose in the Desert Photographed by James Nachtwey In the Saint Paul orphanage, maintained by the Melkite-Greek Catholic patriarchate and run by the Basilian sisters of Aleppo, Asma sits at a long table with the children. Two little boys in new glasses and thick sweaters are called Yussuf. She asks them what kind of music they like. "Sad music," says one. In the room where she's had some twelve computers installed, the first lady tells a nun, "I hope you're letting the younger children in here go crazy on the computers." The nun winces: "The children are afraid to learn in case they don't have access to computers when they leave here," she says. In the courtyard by the wall down which Saint Paul escaped in a basket 2,000 years ago, an old tree bears gigantic yellow fruit I have never seen before. Citrons. C'edrats in French. Back in the car, I ask what religion the orphans are. "It's not relevant," says Asma al-Assad. "Let me try to explain it to you. That church is a part of my heritage because it's a Syrian church. The Umayyad Mosque is the third-most-important holy Muslim site, but within the mosque is the tomb of Saint John the Baptist. We all kneel in the mosque in front of the tomb of Saint John the Baptist. That's how religions live together in Syria-a way that I have never seen anywhere else in the world. We live side by side, and have historically. All the religions and cultures that have passed through these lands-the Armenians, Islam, Christianity, the Umayyads, the Ottomans-make up who I am." "Does that include the Jews?" I ask. "And the Jews," she answers. "There is a very big Jewish quarter in old Damascus." The Jewish quarter of Damascus spans a few abandoned blocks in the old city that emptied out in 1992, when most of the Syrian Jews left. Their houses are sealed up and have not been touched, because, as people like to tell you, Syrians don't touch the property of others. The broken glass and sagging upper floors tell a story you don't understand-are the owners coming back to claim them one day? The presidential family lives surrounded by neighbors in a modern apartment in Malki. On Friday, the Muslim day of rest, Asma al-Assad opens the door herself in jeans and old suede stiletto boots, hair in a ponytail, the word happiness spelled out across the back of her T-shirt. At the bottom of the stairs stands the off-duty president in jeans-tall, long-necked, blue-eyed. A precise man who takes photographs and talks lovingly about his first computer, he says he was attracted to studying eye surgery "because it's very precise, it's almost never an emergency, and there is very little blood." The old al-Assad family apartment was remade into a child-friendly triple-decker playroom loft surrounded by immense windows on three sides. With neither shades nor curtains, it's a fishbowl. Asma al-Assad likes to say, "You're safe because you are surrounded by people who will keep you safe." Neighbors peer in, drop by, visit, comment on the furniture. The president doesn't mind: "This curiosity is good: They come to see you, they learn more about you. You don't isolate yourself." There's a decorated Christmas tree. Seven-year-old Zein watches Tim Burton's Alice in Wonderland on the president's iMac; her brother Karim, six, builds a shark out of Legos; and nine-year-old Hafez tries out his new electric violin. All three go to a Montessori school. Asma al-Assad empties a box of fondue mix into a saucepan for lunch. The household is run on wildly democratic principles. "We all vote on what we want, and where," she says. The chandelier over the dining table is made of cut-up comic books. "They outvoted us three to two on that." A grid is drawn on a blackboard, with ticks for each member of the family. "We were having trouble with politeness, so we made a chart: ticks for when they spoke as they should, and a cross if they didn't." There's a cross next to Asma's name. "I shouted," she confesses. "I can't talk about empowering young people, encouraging them to be creative and take responsibility, if I'm not like that with my own children." "The first challenge for us was, Who's going to define our lives, us or the position?" says the president. "We wanted to live our identity honestly." They announced their marriage in January 2001, after the ceremony, which they kept private. There was deliberately no photograph of Asma. "The British media picked that up as: Now she's moved into the presidential palace, never to be seen again!" says Asma, laughing. They had a reason: "She spent three months incognito," says the president. "Before I had any official engagement," says the first lady, "I went to 300 villages, every governorate, hospitals, farms, schools, factories, you name it-I saw everything to find out where I could be effective. A lot of the time I was somebody's 'assistant' carrying the bag, doing this and that, taking notes. Nobody asked me if I was the first lady; they had no idea." "That way," adds the president, "she started her NGO before she was ever seen in public as my wife. Then she started to teach people that an NGO is not a charity." Neither of them believes in charity for the sake of charity. "We have the Iraqi refugees," says the president. "Everybody is talking about it as a political problem or as welfare, charity. I say it's neither-it's about cultural philosophy. We have to help them. That's why the first thing I did is to allow the Iraqis to go into schools. If they don't have an education, they will go back as a bomb, in every way: terrorism, extremism, drug dealers, crime. If I have a secular and balanced neighbor, I will be safe." When Angelina Jolie came with Brad Pitt for the United Nations in 2009, she was impressed by the first lady's efforts to encourage empowerment among Iraqi and Palestinian refugees but alarmed by the Assads' idea of safety. "My husband was driving us all to lunch," says Asma al-Assad, "and out of the corner of my eye I could see Brad Pitt was fidgeting. I turned around and asked, 'Is anything wrong?' " "Where's your security?" asked Pitt. "So I started teasing him-'See that old woman on the street? That's one of them! And that old guy crossing the road? That's the other one!' " They both laugh. The president joins in the punch line: "Brad Pitt wanted to send his security guards here to come and get some training!" After lunch, Asma al-Assad drives to the airport, where a Falcon 900 is waiting to take her to Massar in Latakia, on the coast. When she lands, she jumps behind the wheel of another SUV waiting on the tarmac. This is the kind of surprise visit she specializes in, but she has no idea how many kids will turn up at the community center on a rainy Friday. As it turns out, it's full. Since the first musical notation was discovered nearby, at Ugarit, the immaculate Massar center in Latakia is built around music. Local kids are jamming in a sound booth; a group of refugee Palestinian girls is playing instruments. Others play chess on wall-mounted computers. These kids have started online blood banks, run marathons to raise money for dialysis machines, and are working on ways to rid Latakia of plastic bags. Apart from a few girls in scarves, you can't tell Muslims from Christians. Asma al-Assad stands to watch a laborious debate about how-and whether-to standardize the Arabic spelling of the word Syria. Then she throws out a curve ball. "I've been advised that we have to close down this center so as to open another one somewhere else," she says. Kids' mouths drop open. Some repress tears. Others are furious. One boy chooses altruism: "That's OK. We know how to do it now; we'll help them." Then the first lady announces, "That wasn't true. I just wanted to see how much you care about Massar." As the pilot expertly avoids sheet lightning above the snow-flecked desert on the way back, she explains, "There was a little bit of formality in what they were saying to me; it wasn't real. Tricks like this help-they became alive, they became passionate. We need to get past formalities if we are going to get anything done." Two nights later it's the annual Christmas concert by the children of Al-Farah Choir, run by the Syrian Catholic Father Elias Zahlawi. Just before it begins, Bashar and Asma al-Assad slip down the aisle and take the two empty seats in the front row. People clap, and some call out his nickname: "Docteur! Docteur!" Two hundred children dressed variously as elves, reindeers, or candy canes share the stage with members of the national orchestra, who are done up as elves. The show becomes a full-on songfest, with the elves and reindeer and candy canes giving their all to "Hallelujah" and "Joy to the World." The carols slide into a more serpentine rhythm, an Arabic rap group takes over, and then it's back to Broadway mode. The president whispers, "All of these styles belong to our culture. This is how you fight extremism-through art." Brass bells are handed out. Now we're all singing "Jingle Bell Rock," 1,331 audience members shaking their bells, singing, crying, and laughing. "This is the diversity you want to see in the Middle East," says the president, ringing his bell. "This is how you can have peace!" http://www.liveleak.com/view?i=533_1299488189 DEADBEEF <span class="highlight">Asma al-Assad</span>. Sunni First Lady of Syria Asma al-Assad, Syria, Sunni